הפוסט Jordanian-Israeli Food Security: A Road Map of Potential Collaboration הופיע לראשונה ב-Mitvim.

This document is one of a series of studies and policy documents that examine the relations between the local climate and foreign policy, as part of a project by the Mitvim Institute and with the support of the Glazer Foundation. The document was written in collaboration with SID-Israel, the umbrella organization of the Israeli professional community in the fields of humanitarian aid and international development. SID-Israel incorporates civil society organizations, government institutions, academic and research programs, private companies, consultants, and independent experts, and works to create a supportive professional environment, based on the exchange of knowledge and experience. Sid-Israel was established and operates thanks to the generous and ongoing support of Pears Foundation.

הפוסט Humanitarian Strategy in the Israel-Hamas War הופיע לראשונה ב-Mitvim.

הפוסט A Blue Economy in the Eastern Mediterranean: Climate, Society and Regional Prosperity הופיע לראשונה ב-Mitvim.

הפוסט Hydropolitics in the Middle East הופיע לראשונה ב-Mitvim.

הפוסט Climate-Political Migration in Israel and Palestine הופיע לראשונה ב-Mitvim.

Adapting the foreign system to the challenge of the climate crisis requires, first and foremost, a profound conceptual change. It calls for a shift from the logic of dealing with the climate issue as a “foster child” of secondary importance to core strategic issues to a new approach of climate diplomacy that sees the climate crisis as a political strategic game changer of prime importance to foreign policy and its implementation. Dealing with the climate crisis as a political issue challenges traditional thinking about the practices shaping foreign relations and about the actors expected to lead these processes. For example, it redefines the importance of non-governmental actors – civil society organizations, the scientific technological community, and the business sector – and positions them as active participants in shaping foreign policy. More broadly, adopting climate diplomacy provides an opportunity to reexamine the relationship between the government and non-governmental sectors in shaping Israel’s foreign relations as a whole.

Based on a review of the structure and activities of Israel’s foreign affairs apparatus on climate issues and case studies from other countries and interstate bodies, the aim of this policy paper is to propose recommendations for conceptual and structural-systemic changes to upgrade Israel’s foreign affairs apparatus handling of climate change challenges. Implementation of conceptual change in the field of climate diplomacy at the national level relies on three main components: a) anchoring and defining the role of Israel’s foreign policy within the framework of Israel’s national effort to confront climate change; b) a structural change in the foreign affairs system itself – defining a strategic integrating actor to deal with the international pillar of Israel’s climate policy; a clear internal division of roles within the system and improvement of inter-ministerial coordination through a permanent government forum; and substantial increase of resources and managerial inputs devoted to the field within the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. In this context, we see the Ministry of Foreign Affairs as a national integrator in shaping Israel’s climate diplomacy. c) the creation of new multisectoral systems of cooperation between Israel’s governmental and non-governmental sectors.

הפוסט Upgrading the Capacity of Israel’s Foreign Policy Apparatus to Deal with the Climate Crisis הופיע לראשונה ב-Mitvim.

This trend, together with progress in Israel-Arab relations following the Abraham Accords, creates new opportunities for regional environmental cooperation between Israel and its neighbors. However, these opportunities’ full potential cannot be realized prior to a breakthrough toward Israeli-Palestinian peace. Moreover, the composition and policies of Israel’s current government pose additional challenges to Israel-Arab relations and have led existing cooperation to slow down. Nevertheless, and despite being limited in scope, regional cooperative endeavors are taking place and efforts to sustain them are underway.

The convening of the 27th (2022) and 28th (2023) United Nations Climate Change Conference summits in the Middle East – in Egypt, and in the United Arab Emirates respectively – helps such cooperation evolve. In addition, Israel and several Arab states (such as Morocco and the UAE) have signed bilateral agreements for cooperation on environmental-related issues. Minilateral endeavors, like the Israel-Jordan-UAE water-electricity swap deal and the Israel-Morocco-EU water dialogue, have been launched; and multilateral mechanisms and initiatives – including the Union for the Mediterranean, the East Mediterranean Gas Forum, and the East Mediterranean & Middle East Climate Change Initiative – enable Israel and its neighbors to jointly engage in tackling climate change.

President Isaac Herzog has called for regional environmental cooperation during visits to neighboring countries and introduced a visionary concept of a “renewable Middle East,” based on inclusive regional frameworks. The international community has a clear interest in enhancing such regional environmental cooperation between Israel and its neighbors, also with the aim of advancing Israel-Arab normalization and Israeli-Palestinian peacemaking. The US and Europe are best positioned to achieve this advancement and can do so via the following pathways:

How can the US and Europe promote Israel-Arab environmental cooperation?

First, by providing third-party support: The US and Europe should further encourage and enable environmental cooperation between Israel and its neighbors. They can be formal partners in cooperative endeavors, provide funding and technological assistance, convene support, assist with training and expertise, and serve as benefactors to ensure success. Third-party involvement is necessary to spark new cooperation and reach agreements, but also to ensure that understandings reached are implemented in a concrete way. Such involvement can increase the motivation of Israel and its neighbors to work together and can assist the countries involved in overcoming political, bureaucratic, and public opinion obstacles.

Second, by focusing on tangible benefits: When seeking to encourage regional environmental cooperation, the US and Europe should focus on initiatives that are likely to bring tangible benefits in the near term. This will make cooperation more likely and legitimate. Selected initiatives should be those that address the concrete needs of the countries involved – and play to their added value – but also have a potential global scale impact, beyond just the region. Relevant issues to engage in could include renewable energy, food security, innovative technologies, sustainable tourism, water desalination and reclamation, public health, and the blue economy.

Third, by including the Palestinians: Israelis and Palestinians share similar environmental challenges but do not formally cooperate on most of them, due to the political circumstances. The US and Europe should advance the inclusion of the Palestinians in Israel-Arab cooperative endeavors, with a political horizon of advancing the two-state solution.

Messages underscoring the US and European interest in seeing this happen should be conveyed to relevant countries in the region, to make it clear that they do not see the advancement of Israel-Arab cooperation as a way to sideline the Palestinian issue. This could also assist in fostering some mutual trust between Israelis and Palestinians and in creating joint interest in stability and de-escalation. Efforts should be made to ensure that existing regional projects (such as the Israel-Jordan-UAE water-electricity swap deal) also benefit the Palestinians (including those in Gaza) and to include Palestinian interests and needs in new projects that may be developed via mechanisms such as the Negev Forum. An effort should be made to leverage the joint and equal participation of Israel and Palestine in the EMGF and the UfM as well as to increase their cooperation – under a multilateral umbrella – on environmental issues.

Fourth, by encouraging multilateralism and inclusivity: Multilateral initiatives dealing with climate change have already proven their ability to bring rival parties to the same table. This is likely to continue, given the forecasts about the increasing negative implications of climate change for the region. The US and Europe need to empower regional and multilateral frameworks, making them more effective, ensuring coordination between them to avoid duplication of efforts, enhancing their inclusivity by bringing in additional countries (such as enabling Turkish and Lebanese involvement in the EMGF), fostering interregional connectivity (by providing observer status to relevant countries from other sub-regions), and enhancing engagement without recognition between rivals (as was the case with the Israel-Lebanon maritime border deal).

The US and Europe can also work to ensure that existing regional mechanisms – such as the EMGF and the Negev Forum – develop a specific focus on climate and the environment, and encourage the participation of civil society actors, not just officials.

Fifth, by investing in civil society: Parallel to efforts toward enhancing cooperation between governments and officials, the US and Europe should also acknowledge the important role that civil society organizations can play in fostering regional environmental cooperation between Israel and its neighbors. Examples of this are already mounting and having a concrete impact, in terms of content and of fostering constructive societal engagement. The US and Europe should therefore increase their investment in supporting such cooperation. They can do so by linking environmental activists and professionals from regional countries, providing them with opportunities for joint learning, training, strategizing, and sharing best practices and lessons learned, as well as developing cross-border or regional projects.

The US and the EU can ensure that existing funding schemes related to civil society cooperation in the region also include beneficiaries working on climate change, or seeking to enter the field. Finally, they should elevate environmental cooperation between regional NGOs and think tanks to also advance peace, security, stability, and prosperity.

COP28 in the UAE is already around the corner (November 30-December 12). Israel plans to be represented there by both its president and prime minister and is already involved in planning and preparation. However, the far-right composition of its current government and its policies on the Palestinian issue are taking a toll on Israel’s regional foreign policy and causing the development of Israel-Arab relations to significantly slow down.

Even this year’s Negev Forum ministerial meeting, originally slated to take place in Morocco in March, is being repeatedly postponed due to Israeli-Palestinian tensions. Climate change is presenting Israel with numerous opportunities for enhanced regional cooperation and the international community can help in realizing them.

But, should the Netanyahu government continue its current policies toward the Palestinian issue – the potential will not be realized, and missed opportunities will mount. In that case, as regional countries enhance their cooperation on environmental issues, Israel might be left out.

The article was published on “The Jerusalem Post“, on July 17th.

הפוסט 5 ways the US, Europe can push for Israel-Arab environmental cooperation הופיע לראשונה ב-Mitvim.

This paper is the second in a series of a joint project between the Mitvim Institute and the Davis Institute for International Relations.

הפוסט Environmental Organizations as Potential Players in the Peace Process הופיע לראשונה ב-Mitvim.

הפוסט Energy as a Tool for Israeli-Palestinian Peacebuilding הופיע לראשונה ב-Mitvim.

International energy companies comprehended the situation quickly, especially regarding the COVID-19 crisis and the shift in global priorities concerning the fight against the climate crisis. The Biden administration gave it a much higher priority once it entered the White House. The energy companies successfully branded the natural gas as transition energy and promised to divert significant budgets to renewable energy. Their conclusion is that it is imperative to develop alternative and clean energy sources for the benefit of future generations. However, until we reach a stage where we can rely on them to a safe extent, there is no escape from relying on transition energy, which pollutes less than other energy sources, such as oil and coal.

The new government in Israel is trying to embrace this change in global priorities. To the climate summit in Glasgow in early November last year, Israel sent a high-level large-scale delegation, which included Prime Minister Naftali Bennett, the energy and environmental protection ministers and a long line of representatives from the business, political, civil, and academic communities. Israel, whose environmental performance is not outstanding, to say the least, declared through the prime minister that it pledges to reduce greenhouse gas emissions to zero by 2050 and gradually stop using coal by 2025. As well, Bennett called on the Israeli business community to mobilize its creativity and innovation in favor of innovative technological solutions to tackle the climate crisis.

Energy Minister Karine Elharrar has also adopted these latest highlights. Last month, the minister made it clear that new gas exploration will be frozen over the coming year in favor of investment in renewable energies. Her aim, she explained, is that 2022 would be the year of renewable energies. Truth be told, this does not materially change or harm Israel’s energy security. The existing reservoirs, the Tamar and Leviathan gas fields, combined with the Karish and Tanin gas fields that are in development will meet the needs of the local economy for years to come. The change in emphasis in minister Elharrar’s remarks ensures a new, committed, and challenging direction of investing in renewable energy and in her words, “this year we will be centered in renewable energies in order to create the right energy mix.”

In this respect, the criticism leveled at the minister from various directions (energy companies, economic commentators, and so on) is out of place. This is a one-year freeze, designed to help the energy, business, and political attitude adjustment required. Presumably, the minister was exposed to the new regional architecture, and internalized its strategic importance and implications during her meetings with colleagues from the region (Egypt, Greece, and Cyprus). An important achievement should be seen in the tripartite agreement signed between Israel, Jordan, and the United Arab Emirates, regarding the supply of desalinated water from Israel in exchange for solar energy to be produced in Jordan. Its test will be, of course, in its application.

Is it possible that Elharrar’s message suffered from unsuccessful branding? It is very possible and likely that her previous comment, “we have become accustomed to 100% gas, and that will not be the case now” did not sound positively in some relevant circles and to some degree of justice. Essentially, it is not a question of stopping the searches for new gas, but of promising a change in the dosages to which we have become accustomed. This is required and corresponds with the political-energy reality in the international arena. Time will tell if and how it will be realized. By itself, this is a worthy promise.

This article is from “The Jerusalem Post“, from January 17, 2022

הפוסט Is there room for coexistence between energy and safe environment? הופיע לראשונה ב-Mitvim.