ארכיון Coronavirus - Mitvim https://mitvim.org.il/en/tag/coronavirus/ מתווים Wed, 13 Jul 2022 14:40:28 +0000 en-US hourly 1 https://wordpress.org/?v=6.8.1 https://mitvim.org.il/wp-content/uploads/fav-300x300.png ארכיון Coronavirus - Mitvim https://mitvim.org.il/en/tag/coronavirus/ 32 32 Israeli annexation talks threaten ties with Arab world https://mitvim.org.il/en/publication/israeli-annexation-talks-threaten-ties-with-arab-world/ Sun, 19 Apr 2020 13:21:40 +0000 https://mitvim.org.il/?post_type=publication&p=3297 The issue of possible Israeli land annexation in the West Bank has become an endless source of spin for Israeli politicians. The hard-line right-wing Yamina party is accusing the right-wing Likud of not really wanting to push ahead with the annexation and only giving it lip service. The centrist Blue and White party said it was willing to discuss such a move “under certain circumstances,” only to have its No. 2, Gabi Ashkenazi, reportedly dismiss the option out of hand. Two things stand out in this regard. The first is the normalization of the annexation idea. The senior Israeli politicians on the verge of forming a unity government of some sort, whether now or after fourth elections are held in the summer, are addressing the annexation issue in terms of when, not if. Whereas two or three years ago, talk of annexation was the purview of Knesset members from the hard-line HaBayit HaYehudi (now Yamina) party and the most right-wing flank of the Likud, nowadays, the leader of Blue and White Benny Gantz is wrangling with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu over the manner of its execution and its extent, not over the very question of whether the issue should be considered at all. Meanwhile, members of Gantz’s party, some of them originally Labor party voters, are keeping mum on the issue. The second thing that stands out: There is a clear majority in the current Knesset, and probably in the next one, too, for annexation. The right-wing bloc, joined by the newly minted faction of Knesset members Zvi Hauser and Yoaz Hendel (Derech

הפוסט Israeli annexation talks threaten ties with Arab world הופיע לראשונה ב-Mitvim.

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The issue of possible Israeli land annexation in the West Bank has become an endless source of spin for Israeli politicians. The hard-line right-wing Yamina party is accusing the right-wing Likud of not really wanting to push ahead with the annexation and only giving it lip service. The centrist Blue and White party said it was willing to discuss such a move “under certain circumstances,” only to have its No. 2, Gabi Ashkenazi, reportedly dismiss the option out of hand.

Two things stand out in this regard. The first is the normalization of the annexation idea. The senior Israeli politicians on the verge of forming a unity government of some sort, whether now or after fourth elections are held in the summer, are addressing the annexation issue in terms of when, not if. Whereas two or three years ago, talk of annexation was the purview of Knesset members from the hard-line HaBayit HaYehudi (now Yamina) party and the most right-wing flank of the Likud, nowadays, the leader of Blue and White Benny Gantz is wrangling with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu over the manner of its execution and its extent, not over the very question of whether the issue should be considered at all. Meanwhile, members of Gantz’s party, some of them originally Labor party voters, are keeping mum on the issue.

The second thing that stands out: There is a clear majority in the current Knesset, and probably in the next one, too, for annexation. The right-wing bloc, joined by the newly minted faction of Knesset members Zvi Hauser and Yoaz Hendel (Derech Eretz), Knesset member Orly Levy-Abekasis (Gesher faction) and probably Blue and White’s lawmakers, as well as the seven representatives of the Yisrael Beitenu party and perhaps even Yesh Atid, could all vote in favor of annexation. If Netanyahu (assuming he is the next prime minister) moves ahead with annexing the settlement town of Maale Adumim, its surrounding area (known as E1) or the Jordan Valley, he is presumably assured Knesset approval.

The prime minister’s office continues to work on possible annexation maps, but with the coronavirus running amok, all this talk is motivated by politics rather than ideology. The controversial annexation issue serves the various parties involved as a bargaining chip and a tool with which to goad their rivals, whereas actual implementation of this move entails three conditions: formation of a government, a full return to post-corona normal, and White House support. Since a return to normal could take time, and the White House is busy managing the COVID-19 crisis and preparing for the November elections, even if a new Israeli government is sworn in, annexation legislation could be delayed until after the US presidential vote. In other words, it will not happen in the coming days, weeks or months.

The Arab world, however, does not make the distinction between the ideological component of annexation and the political one, and is monitoring the declarations of Israeli politicians with grave concern. On April 13, the Arab League warned of the severe repercussions of annexation, and Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas held an urgent round of phone consultations with Arab leaders. The Palestinian leadership is convinced that Israel and the White House are pushing forward with the “deal of the century” that President Donald Trump unveiled in late January while the world’s attention is diverted by the coronavirus. Ramallah, as well as Amman, Cairo and Riyadh view the much-discussed annexation as an immediate threat, even if only a theoretical one, for now.

The Israeli annexation discourse bolsters radical elements in the Arab world and undermines the moderates. At this stage, with Arab regimes dealing with the COVID-19 outbreak, the issue could fan the flames of regional instability and endanger Israeli security. A recent internal Foreign Ministry assessment reflects Israel’s concerns over a possible collapse of several Arab regimes as a result of the coronavirus, an Iranian breakout toward a nuclear weapon and significant strengthening of radical terror organizations, such as the Islamic State and al-Qaeda. With Israel aware of the regional threats to its security, it would be logical to assume that now is not the time to rock the fragile Middle Eastern boat and to undermine cooperation with the Palestinian Authority, Jordan, Egypt and the Gulf States. Even before the pandemic, the Arab regimes and their populations were not enamored by the annexation prospects. Now, with millions in the Arab world unemployed and facing a severe economic crisis, any hasty move could deal a blow to the delicate fabric of Israel’s relations with the Arab world and eventually have a much harsher impact on Israel’s security.

Most former and current defense officials who enjoyed close relations with their senior Arab counterparts for decades are aware of the danger lurking in the annexation policy. Maj. Gen. (Res.) Amos Gilad, former director of policy and political-military affairs at the Ministry of Defense, warned Feb. 7, after President Donald Trump unveiled his plan for Israeli-Palestinian peace, that imposing Israeli sovereignty over the Jordan Valley would undermine the peace treaty with Jordan. Former Mossad chief Danny Yatom expressed a similar view, whereas Commanders for Israel’s Security, a nonprofit representing dozens of former defense officials, has conducted an online campaign designed to influence Benny Gantz, Gabi Ashkenazi and Labor leader Amir Peretz to withhold support for the move.

These harsh warnings of an impending disaster, particularly at such a sensitive time when the battle to defeat the coronavirus should be at the top of Israel’s agenda, appear to be falling on deaf ears. The distinction between army and defense agency veterans who conducted Israel’s ties with Arab regimes for years, and the politicians, most of whom lack any experience in defense or diplomacy, is evident. Even Netanyahu, who in the past avoided annexation moves and sidelined proposed legislation by members of his Likud party to annex Maale Adumim and the Jordan Valley, continues to throw about promises of annexation. This is a man who periodically meets and talks with Arab rulers, and knows their views on annexation and the threat that it poses in destabilizing the Middle East. His actions contradict his favorite and widely expressed thesis that the Arab world does not care about the Palestinians and would be willing to advance ties with Israel, even if it fails to reach an agreement with the Palestinians.

Israel has failed to establish formal relations with more Arab states in recent years, and it has not boosted trade or forged closer diplomatic ties. While it enjoys a slight warming of relations with some Arab rulers, and growing public interest in what it has to offer, Israel would pay dearly if it annexed the West Bank, dealing a significant blow to the Palestinians and destabilizing Jordan. The repercussions would put an end to its dreams of cooperation with the region and of a united front against Iran.

(originally published on al-Monitor)

הפוסט Israeli annexation talks threaten ties with Arab world הופיע לראשונה ב-Mitvim.

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Israel and Qatar Focus on Shared Interests, Setting Aside Differences https://mitvim.org.il/en/publication/israel-and-qatar-focus-on-shared-interests-setting-aside-differences/ Sun, 19 Apr 2020 13:14:17 +0000 https://mitvim.org.il/?post_type=publication&p=3296 In the shadow of the Coronavirus outbreak, Qatar is once again throwing a lifeline to the Gaza Strip and establishing itself as the Palestinians’ sole savior. Qatar’s Emir Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad al-Thani has ordered 150 million USD transferred to Gaza, with part of the funds designated to fight the epidemic. Qatar has been transferring funds to Gaza since 2018 as part of an agreement with Israel on maintaining calm. Its involvement in Palestinian affairs and its ties with Israel have raised numerous questions in Jerusalem, Ramallah and Arab Gulf states. Is Israel developing a dependence on Qatar, the official sponsor of the Muslim Brotherhood, even as it seeks closer relations with the alliance of Sunni states, chief among them Egypt and Saudi Arabia? In the 1990s, Qatar was one of the first Arab states to open a diplomatic mission in Israel and allow Israel to open a commercial office on its territory. With the outbreak of the second intifada in 2000, relations were suspended, and even when operations of the Israeli trade office were resumed in Qatar in the mid-2000s and when Foreign Minister Tzipi Livni conducted an official visit to Qatar, relations were no longer the same. Qatari media adopted a harsh and highly critical tone on Israel, and the regime feared warmer ties would undermine the united Arab stance against normalization with Israel absent an IsraeliPalestinian agreement. In the days of the Arab Spring, Qatar openly supported the Muslim Brotherhood and significantly strengthened its links with Turkey,

הפוסט Israel and Qatar Focus on Shared Interests, Setting Aside Differences הופיע לראשונה ב-Mitvim.

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In the shadow of the Coronavirus outbreak, Qatar is once again throwing a lifeline to the Gaza Strip and establishing itself as the Palestinians’ sole savior. Qatar’s Emir Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad al-Thani has ordered 150 million USD transferred to Gaza, with part of the funds designated to fight the epidemic. Qatar has been transferring funds to Gaza since 2018 as part of an agreement with Israel on maintaining calm. Its involvement in Palestinian affairs and its ties with Israel have raised numerous questions in Jerusalem, Ramallah and Arab Gulf states. Is Israel developing a dependence on Qatar, the official sponsor of the Muslim Brotherhood, even as it seeks closer relations with the alliance of Sunni states, chief among them Egypt and Saudi Arabia?

In the 1990s, Qatar was one of the first Arab states to open a diplomatic mission in Israel and allow Israel to open a commercial office on its territory. With the outbreak of the second intifada in 2000, relations were suspended, and even when operations of the Israeli trade office were resumed in Qatar in the mid-2000s and when Foreign Minister Tzipi Livni conducted an official visit to Qatar, relations were no longer the same. Qatari media adopted a harsh and highly critical tone on Israel, and the regime feared warmer ties would undermine the united Arab stance against normalization with Israel absent an IsraeliPalestinian agreement. In the days of the Arab Spring, Qatar openly supported the Muslim Brotherhood and significantly strengthened its links with Turkey, further exacerbating the distrust between Jerusalem and Doha.

The opportunity to improve Israel-Qatar relations arose, of all times, at the height of Israel’s deep crisis with the Gaza Strip. A strange deal was forged between Hamas – a number of whose leaders were being hosted by Qatar after leaving Syria during the civil war, the Qatari regime – which sought to extricate itself from regional isolation and improve its image in Washington, and Israel – which needed a mediator to restore calm and help alleviate the severe humanitarian crisis in Gaza.

Leaders in Cairo, Riyadh and Abu Dhabi were likely displeased with the arrangement. Egyptian and Gulf media devoted extensive coverage to news of a rare visit by the head of the Mossad to Doha in February 2020, as revealed by Yisrael Beitenu party Chair Avigdor Liberman, wondering whether Israel was seeking closer ties with Qatar. So far, this pragmatic cooperation between Israel and Qatar, based on the shared interests of all parties involved, has not undermined Israel’s growing rapprochement with other Sunni states.

Nonetheless, by allowing Qatar to play an increasingly significant role in the Gaza Strip, is Israel developing a dependence on the emirate and subsuming reality in the territories to Doha’s wishes? For now, there is no alternative to the Qatari funds keeping the heads of Gaza’s residents above water. However, it is important to realize that this money also perpetuates Hamas’ rule in Gaza, deepens the Islamist movement’s entrenchment in its unyielding attitude toward reconciliation with Fatah and, in fact, undermines domestic Palestinian unity. The Netanyahu government apparently believes that its current “divide and rule” policy serves it well. That explains why Israel has not returned to the negotiating table. Netanyahu believes that the Palestinian issue is no longer on the agenda and that relations with most Arab states can be advanced even without negotiations and compromises.

Reality proves the opposite. Israel is not an island, nor a villa encircled by walls in the middle of the jungle. Israel needs cooperation in the Middle East and the Mediterranean in order to advance its interests in the region. The Palestinian issue remains on the table and the absence of a solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict still hampers establishment of diplomatic relations and expansion of partnerships between Israel and most states in the Arab and Muslim world. Visits by Israeli athletes and diplomats in the Gulf are nice to have, but the potential for cooperation with the Gulf States, as well as with Israel’s immediate neighbors Egypt and Jordan, is far greater.

Israel needs a broad regional policy to guide it and enable the promotion of its interests not only in the short term, but in the long one, too. Relations with Doha are possible to have, but Israel must be cautious and approach them with its eyes wide open, given that Qatar’s foreign policy contradicts what Israel believes and would like to see in the Middle East. The Qatari gifts carry a price tag: Aid for Gaza is not just aid for Gaza – it is also a contribution to strengthening the regional Islamist alliance (Qatar-Turkey-Hamas-Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt and Libya), and only a temporary solution to Gaza’s distress. Gaza does not require band aids. What is required is a complex and comprehensive solution, in coordination with regional states that are confronting Islamist terrorism, which will also eventually provide a channel for renewed Israeli-Palestinian peace negotiations.

הפוסט Israel and Qatar Focus on Shared Interests, Setting Aside Differences הופיע לראשונה ב-Mitvim.

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A Very Israeli Pandemic Response https://mitvim.org.il/en/publication/a-very-israeli-pandemic-response/ Tue, 07 Apr 2020 13:05:56 +0000 https://mitvim.org.il/?post_type=publication&p=3294 As in other countries, COVID-19 has exposed the weaknesses particular to Israel society and governance. These shortcomings are not revelatory. Instead, the coronavirus’ spread shines a spotlight on familiar, systemic issues consistently neglected over the decades. Israel’s health care system was unprepared to handle COVID-19. Although as of this article’s submission there is a comparatively low death toll – 56 individuals (as for April 6), the majority of whom were senior citizens – the main concern is that Israel’s medical institutions will soon be overrun by coronavirus patients which will indirectly affect the mortality rates of non-coronavirus patients. Israel only possesses some 4,000 ventilators – a critical tool to aid those suffering from the worst conditions. Each day, more health care employees are being sidelined from their tasks due to possible exposure to the virus. Inventive solutions like converting vacant hotels into housing units for patients with mild symptoms may not be enough if government measures cannot flatten the curve. Mass coronavirus testing – one of the most successful policies adopted by countries like South Korea and Taiwan – has yet to take off efficiently in Israel. Many patients who have been tested received incorrect results, further delaying the health system’s ability to provide a vital service in a timely fashion. An absence of essential chemicals has slowed the existing testing process. But befitting its moniker as the “startup nation”, Israel has tried to employ technology in order to curtail COVID-19. One initiative is the Health Ministry’s app that permits citizens who download it to see whether their movement

הפוסט A Very Israeli Pandemic Response הופיע לראשונה ב-Mitvim.

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As in other countries, COVID-19 has exposed the weaknesses particular to Israel society and governance. These shortcomings are not revelatory. Instead, the coronavirus’ spread shines a spotlight on familiar, systemic issues consistently neglected over the decades.

Israel’s health care system was unprepared to handle COVID-19. Although as of this article’s submission there is a comparatively low death toll – 56 individuals (as for April 6), the majority of whom were senior citizens – the main concern is that Israel’s medical institutions will soon be overrun by coronavirus patients which will indirectly affect the mortality rates of non-coronavirus patients. Israel only possesses some 4,000 ventilators – a critical tool to aid those suffering from the worst conditions. Each day, more health care employees are being sidelined from their tasks due to possible exposure to the virus. Inventive solutions like converting vacant hotels into housing units for patients with mild symptoms may not be enough if government measures cannot flatten the curve.

Mass coronavirus testing – one of the most successful policies adopted by countries like South Korea and Taiwan – has yet to take off efficiently in Israel. Many patients who have been tested received incorrect results, further delaying the health system’s ability to provide a vital service in a timely fashion. An absence of essential chemicals has slowed the existing testing process.

But befitting its moniker as the “startup nation”, Israel has tried to employ technology in order to curtail COVID-19. One initiative is the Health Ministry’s app that permits citizens who download it to see whether their movement has overlapped with anyone with a confirmed infection. The government has also granted the Shin Bet – Israel’s internal security agency – permission to track the movements of coronavirus patients through use of their phones and credit card data. This controversial decision reportedly identified at least 500 individuals carrying the disease.

Not surprisingly, these efforts have proven both imperfect against the coronavirus. Israel’s national expenditure on healthcare is lower than the OECD average and a 2019 Taub Center report deemed the country’s acute care system insufficient for public demand. Ad hoc solutions rarely solve chronic problems. An increasing number of public figures are asking whether the Health Ministry should be the primary actor in this saga or whether the Defense Ministry should assume the lead.

Enforcing a rigid policy of social distancing and lockdown has also proven challenging. Since March 12, Israeli schoolchildren have been homebound but the Education Ministry has been inconsistent with its execution of nationwide distance learning. Air traffic has all but ceased and public transportation has been significantly reduced, but that hasn’t stopped many from seeing Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s almost nightly addresses as merely a polite suggestion. Israel’s police – and, more worryingly, its military – now patrol public spaces (including beaches), fining and arresting those violating the government’s directives.

Since day one, communicating a single, clear message to Israel’s diverse population has been a serious challenge for the Israeli government. No case exemplifies this better than the ultra-Orthodox community. Ultra-Orthodox Jews (around 12% of the general population) observe a rigid set of customs that centers around mass religious education and communal participation in lifecycle events. They often live in distinct neighborhoods and cities, separate from mainstream Israeli society. Whether portions of the ultra-Orthodox community did not receive or were willfully ignorant to the Health Ministry’s directives remains unclear, however images capturing Haredim disregarding government policy seriously damaged the already frayed bonds between this community and mainstream Israeli society. Health Minister Yaakov Litzman, who represents one of the Haredi parties in the Knesset, also violated these public safety restrictions and contracted the coronavirus. Senior government officials, including Netanyahu, are now under quarantine. Haredi leaders are now instructing their devotees not to gather in large numbers, but it has taken longer for these communities to adapt and, unsurprisingly, about half of hospitalized Israelis with COVID-19 are ultra-orthodox. Major Haredi population centers are now under lockdown, cut off from the rest of Israel.

These manifold pressures, in addition to a ballooning unemployment numbers, have manufactured perhaps one, shallow ray of light: the end of Israel’s political deadlock. Publicly, Blue & White leader Benny Gantz claimed that the coronavirus threatened Israel’s future and required that he “put politics aside” after three grueling election cycles. But many see Gantz’s decision as capitulation. And it is difficult to overlook how Netanyahu and Knesset Speaker Yuli Edelstein strained an already tense political atmosphere to its breaking point by utilizing the coronavirus as legitimate cause for shutting down the legislature and refusing to follow a Supreme Court order to reopen parliament. The cost of establishing a unity government with Netanyahu is high; Gantz’s decision left Israel’s opposition movement in tatters. Firmly back in the driver’s seat, Netanyahu can refocus his attention on his legal battles – and of course coronavirus as well.

As the Passover holiday approaches, most Israelis are trying to look past the egg shortages and the looming economic fallout in order to count their blessings. There is good reason to believe that the national mortality rate will remain low. But similar to many other states affected by the coronavirus, the pandemic’s damage to public trust may require years of rehabilitation.

(originally published in IPSI)

הפוסט A Very Israeli Pandemic Response הופיע לראשונה ב-Mitvim.

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The Foreign Ministry on the Frontlines of the Coronavirus Crisis https://mitvim.org.il/en/publication/the-foreign-ministry-on-the-frontlines-of-the-coronavirus-crisis/ Mon, 06 Apr 2020 12:56:19 +0000 https://mitvim.org.il/?post_type=publication&p=3293 Several days ago, thousands of families in Israel were given good reason for relief: After long, tense days, their loved ones had returned to Israel thanks to a combined operation by our national carriers El Al, Arkia and Israir, the mobilization of the business sector, and the help of Israel’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA). The mission, however, is not yet accomplished as attempts continue to extricate Israelis from different parts of the world affected by the Coronavirus epidemic. Israeli ambassadors worldwide have been calling on Israelis traveling abroad to leave at once before curfews and lockdowns go into effect and outgoing flights are cancelled. Israeli representatives the world over continue to “move heaven and earth”, in every sense of the word, to allow Israeli citizens to return home. They have resorted to unusual methods, such as leasing ferries, arranging for police escort of bus convoys and convincing authorities to open shuttered airports – new tools of the trade for Israel’s diplomats. More than ever, the MFA’s command center in Jerusalem has become an operations hub combining essential knowledge of local regulations, flight paths, airports and borders. I am convinced that no other foreign ministry is so intensely committed to the welfare of its citizens abroad. The MFA has adopted this tradition with great pride, reflecting the cherished Israeli value of “mutual guaranty”. In addition to staying in touch and looking after these Israelis and their families, the MFA, as always, is engaged in other aspects of the national effort

הפוסט The Foreign Ministry on the Frontlines of the Coronavirus Crisis הופיע לראשונה ב-Mitvim.

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Several days ago, thousands of families in Israel were given good reason for relief: After long, tense days, their loved ones had returned to Israel thanks to a combined operation by our national carriers El Al, Arkia and Israir, the mobilization of the business sector, and the help of Israel’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA). The mission, however, is not yet accomplished as attempts continue to extricate Israelis from different parts of the world affected by the Coronavirus epidemic. Israeli ambassadors worldwide have been calling on Israelis traveling abroad to leave at once before curfews and lockdowns go into effect and outgoing flights are cancelled. Israeli representatives the world over continue to “move heaven and earth”, in every sense of the word, to allow Israeli citizens to return home. They have resorted to unusual methods, such as leasing ferries, arranging for police escort of bus convoys and convincing authorities to open shuttered airports – new tools of the trade for Israel’s diplomats. More than ever, the MFA’s command center in Jerusalem has become an operations hub combining essential knowledge of local regulations, flight paths, airports and borders. I am convinced that no other foreign ministry is so intensely committed to the welfare of its citizens abroad. The MFA has adopted this tradition with great pride, reflecting the cherished Israeli value of “mutual guaranty”.

In addition to staying in touch and looking after these Israelis and their families, the MFA, as always, is engaged in other aspects of the national effort to curb the spread of the disease. Missions abroad, with support from headquarters in Jerusalem, are busy locating manufacturers of vital equipment, and in many cases coordinating its transport to Israel. From respirators to antibacterial gel, from protective gear to overalls, from face masks to raw materials for the pharmaceutical industry. To overcome the limitations and restrictions placed by countries on the export of medical equipment at this time, Israeli representatives are required to pull strings, locate suppliers and to the extent necessary, obtain special export licenses. Some embassies hook up foreign and Israeli scientists in order to share experience and help the drive for scientific breakthroughs to stem the pandemic. Understandably, this has become the daily bread and butter of Israeli missions during these times.

To back these efforts, the MFA has announced a “national emergency rescue plan” to bring Israelis home. The decision to designate the MFA as an essential workplace, following an appeal by the Foreign Minister to reverse a previous government decision on the matter, is a welcome move. It allows the ministry to work on full emergency footing in missions abroad and at 50% capacity in Israel. The MFA headquarters plays a vital role in the overall diplomatic endeavors. Formulating policy and implementing it through instructions to the field, running a complex system of some 100 representative offices, managing human resources and ensuring the necessary security requires a fully functioning main office. The decision to exclude the MFA from near total lockdown testifies to the recognition of its vital task and underscores the need for a strong and significant Foreign Ministry as an integral part of the national effort.

The essential role of the MFA in emergencies is not new. One of my earliest memories of work at the ministry was the massive activity during the 1973 Yom Kippur War in mobilizing reserve soldiers traveling abroad and whisking them home. I also remember well the activation of Israeli missions in obtaining essential input for the economy. Along with these tasks, the MFA continued to carry out its “traditional” roles, among them mobilizing diplomatic support in international arenas and blocking initiatives to curtail Israel’s military room for maneuver, as well as conducting public diplomacy to boost favorable world public opinion.

The need for an active and accessible Foreign Service is growing. We live in an era of globalization and global challenges the solutions for which cross borders – from countering terrorism to fighting epidemics. In light of the above, Israel must ensure an active physical presence in international forums, personal acquaintance with and access to decision makers in all sectors, and experience with a large number of international arenas. This cannot be accomplished by remote control. The personal dimension – the ongoing personal contact – is an irreplaceable added value of the Foreign Service which enables both public diplomacy and “political intelligence”. Preparation for the day after the Coronavirus crisis is also important – to ensure continuity and prevent the current exigencies from undermining future needs. Once the storm abates, we will require stable infrastructure for economic recovery and growth in the international arena, too. That obviously means having a strong Foreign Ministry in normal times and in emergency situations as well.

The MFA has a key role in ensuring Israel’s national resilience. Nonetheless, as mentioned by a former senior defense official against the backdrop of the current crisis, the Ministry has been weakened in recent years and its budgets slashed (he mentioned the Health Ministry in the same breath but that is an issue for another discussion). Indeed, the status of the MFA has suffered persistent, severe and debilitating erosion in recent years at the initiative of the government. Budgets and responsibilities were shifted to other agencies for unjustified political reasons. This must be rectified at once by the new government, no matter who is at its helm.

A September 2019 Mitvim Institute poll indicated that 48% of Israelis think the MFA’s status has declined. Of these, more respondents (30%) think this downgrading significantly undermines national security than those who think it does not (18%). The importance that the public attributes to diplomacy and foreign policy is encouraging considering its insufficient awareness of the wide array of matters with which the MFA deals. The extent to which the public understands the link between the correct conduct of foreign policy and National Security (national resilience) is also encouraging. Leaders of the state, too, must recognize the need to strengthen the MFA and translate this recognition into practical terms. A strong Foreign Ministry, backed in practice by the government that it represents throughout the world, is vital under every scenario, whether in routine times or emergencies.

The MFA may not being doing enough in terms of domestic public relations. It will not tweet about “clandestine nighttime operations” that take place, and will not make public every security or civilian deal involving an Israeli ambassador. Our diplomats, men and women, hold thousands of meetings, public and private, with leaders, opinion shapers, captains of industry and others to ensure Israel’s security, and its economic and social prosperity both in normal times and in emergencies. The MFA staff operate with humility, discretion and determination, often under the radar, sometimes even in countries with which Israel does not have diplomatic relations, often under complex security conditions for themselves and their families. The Foreign Minister was right in publicly praising the Ministry’s work everywhere. It is important that the political echelons back his declarations, translate them into action, and restore responsibilities and proper budgets to the MFA.

In times of wars and military operations, the MFA places its capabilities at the disposal of the state to provide a “temporary diplomatic window” enabling completion of a military campaign. The current crisis, with its unique and different characteristics, creates new and unfamiliar challenges for the state. Addressing them requires activity abroad, too, which brings into play the capacities and capabilities of the MFA. The last thing the government should be doing now is adopting the recommendations of bean counters who define the MFA as a non-essential agency. Adopting such a classification, continuing to undermine its authority and stealing its budgets will distance our potential future diplomats, and harm – you guessed it – the State of Israel.

(originally published in Haaretz)

הפוסט The Foreign Ministry on the Frontlines of the Coronavirus Crisis הופיע לראשונה ב-Mitvim.

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The World Can Overcome the Coronavirus Crisis by Working Together https://mitvim.org.il/en/publication/the-world-can-overcome-the-coronavirus-crisis-by-working-together/ Mon, 06 Apr 2020 12:50:11 +0000 https://mitvim.org.il/?post_type=publication&p=3290 Humankind is facing yet another crisis. The Coronavirus pandemic has stopped the world as we knew it. We are living through growing uncertainty about tomorrow, fear and anxiety about death. What is to be done about a challenge that appears larger than life? Square our shoulders and coordinate joint action. Throughout the ages, society has proven capable of dealing with challenges and this time is no different, despite the fact that international institutions have been starved and weakened in recent years. The globalization processes of the past four decades, encouraging the movement of people, goods, capital, knowledge and services, have been intensive and unprecedented in scope. Under the auspices of the Western powers, the world has become one giant capitalist market – its borders opened, customs tariffs lowered, and free trade and competition turned into defining values. The interminable consumption culture greased the wheels of an economy based on competitiveness, the concept of endless resources and free movement. And suddenly, Corona. The wheels have ground to a halt. Resources are insufficient, competition is of no use. Inequality strikes us all. Fear has vanquished freedom. There are those who suggest the time has come for a return to isolation, for locking the doors, for restoring borders, raising tariffs, banning foreigners, preserving existing resources for the use of the state and letting each country fend for itself. However, despite the necessity of social distancing, what is currently required is cooperation in maintaining that distance. Competition does not help in this case. The

הפוסט The World Can Overcome the Coronavirus Crisis by Working Together הופיע לראשונה ב-Mitvim.

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Humankind is facing yet another crisis. The Coronavirus pandemic has stopped the world as we knew it. We are living through growing uncertainty about tomorrow, fear and anxiety about death. What is to be done about a challenge that appears larger than life? Square our shoulders and coordinate joint action. Throughout the ages, society has proven capable of dealing with challenges and this time is no different, despite the fact that international institutions have been starved and weakened in recent years.

The globalization processes of the past four decades, encouraging the movement of people, goods, capital, knowledge and services, have been intensive and unprecedented in scope. Under the auspices of the Western powers, the world has become one giant capitalist market – its borders opened, customs tariffs lowered, and free trade and competition turned into defining values. The interminable consumption culture greased the wheels of an economy based on competitiveness, the concept of endless resources and free movement.

And suddenly, Corona. The wheels have ground to a halt. Resources are insufficient, competition is of no use. Inequality strikes us all. Fear has vanquished freedom. There are those who suggest the time has come for a return to isolation, for locking the doors, for restoring borders, raising tariffs, banning foreigners, preserving existing resources for the use of the state and letting each country fend for itself.

However, despite the necessity of social distancing, what is currently required is cooperation in maintaining that distance. Competition does not help in this case. The climate change crisis, drug trafficking and transnational crime cannot be tackled alone, nor can the Coronavirus pandemic. Globalization cannot be halted. Epidemics were never stemmed by isolation. History teaches us that in ancient times pandemics wiped out significant swathes of humanity, even without intensive globalization and when the main weapon against them was isolation.

Such was the case in the 2nd century, when a plague spread through the Roman Empire and dismantled the world’s strongest army. Such was the case in the 6th century, when the Plague of Justinian spread throughout the Mediterranean Basin, killing 25 million people, annihilating half the population of Europe and signaling the end of the ancient era. Such was the case in the 14th century, when the Black Plague was consuming Asia, killing hundreds of millions and about one-third of the population of Europe. And this was also the case in the 16th century, when a series of epidemics imported by European settlers decimated the indigenous population of the Americas.

Plagues have been around since the dawn of history, but society’s ability to confront them has progressively improved. History taught successive generations that the most efficient treatment was based on cooperation and science. The eradication of smallpox virus is a telling example. After killing millions of people for over 3,000 years and bringing down kingdoms and empires, the virus was eliminated in the 20th century. Scientists had tried to find a vaccine for some 150 years. When it was finally developed, joint action by the world’s health organizations in testing, isolation, and vaccination, won the day. Science and cooperation were also successful in turning HIV that killed off 25 million people with AIDS into a manageable, less lethal chronic disease.

But not only epidemics have taught us the need for cooperation and joint mechanisms to tackle and prevent crises. For example, to deal with the religious wars that divided Europe in the 17th century, European rulers convened to sign the Peace of Westphalia. They agreed on the principles of a new political order that would end decades-long wars and prevent new ones. In 1909, the US led an international effort against drug trafficking and use amid the growing awareness of their repercussions, which culminated in the signing of the International Opium Convention. The agreement was designed to organize the cooperation between states in monitoring and controlling drug production and trafficking throughout the world.

The most telling and comprehensive example is the founding of the League of Nations and subsequently the UN. Following World War I, US President Wilson led to the founding of the League of Nations to settle conflicts through diplomacy. World War II, which broke out almost 20 years later, reflected the League’s weakness. It did not have the power and means to impose policy, and many states (chief among them the US itself) refused to join, and thus failed to prevent the looming crisis. With the end of the war, world states joined together once more, this time to establish the UN and achieve the same goals. Additional international institutions, international conventions, courts, aid organizations and more have sprouted up since then.

The world wars taught humanity a lesson, and significant measures were indeed adopted to ensure international cooperation in dealing with varied and numerous challenges. It seems, however, that many of these lessons have been forgotten.

International institutions have been scorned in recent years, undermining their capacities. “America First” was President Trump’s mantra, and he acted on it. Not only is he not leading any international efforts, he has slashed millions of dollars from US contributions to international organizations. In July 2018, UN Secretary General Guterres begged member states to pay their debts to the UN because it had run out of funds. In October 2019, only two months before the Coronavirus eruption, the Secretary General revealed that almost one-third of the UN member states had not paid their annual dues, and that the organization’s activity over the year had only been made possible by cuts in its emergency funding.

The State of Israel did not pay its membership dues, either. In January 2017, Prime Minister Netanyahu decided to cut 6 million USD from Israel’s commitment to the UN (which stood at 11 million USD) to protest UN Security Council decision 2334 which determined that settlements were illegal. In March 2017, Netanyahu ordered an additional 2 million USD cut because he did not like resolutions of the UN Human Rights Council, and in July of that same year, he cut another 1 million USD following a decision by UNESCO. Yes, in 2019 Israel is also among the states in arrears to the UN.

Faced with the Corona threat, we are seeking strong, effective global mechanisms to manage the crisis – to ensure the dissemination of trustworthy information; generate joint, synchronous research; set international rules to regulate the crisis and have sufficient power to enforce them. However, the international institutions are in a bad way. At this point in time, would the citizens of Israel and of the world not want strong, functioning international organizations, with their emergency funding intact? Of course, they would! Would we be happy to have fully empowered international institutions to enforce joint policy? Obviously! This is well worth remembering once we are back to business as usual.

Israel must not wait until the Corona crisis ends. It should adopt a foreign policy that emphasizes cooperation. It must act with its face to the world, divert resources to strengthen its Foreign Service, which, in turn, will bolster ties between Israel and the rest of the world. It should invest additional resources in foreign aid; take up positions in international organizations from which to influence actions; place knowledge and technology at the disposal of international organizations and other states; grant legitimacy and recognize the authority of international organizations and proffer aid to the needy to the extent possible.

This crisis must engender stronger, more powerful international organizations, with greater enforcement capacity, institutions that can operate effectively in order to prevent the next crisis and/or prepare for it. Rehabilitation of the world from the Coronavirus meltdown should be at the top of the agenda, along with coordinated actions to deal with the repercussions of global warming, which unfortunately presage yet another epidemic. Let us hope we succeed.

הפוסט The World Can Overcome the Coronavirus Crisis by Working Together הופיע לראשונה ב-Mitvim.

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Coronavirus crisis opens opportunity for shifting Israeli foreign policy https://mitvim.org.il/en/publication/coronavirus-crisis-opens-opportunity-for-shifting-israeli-foreign-policy/ Thu, 02 Apr 2020 12:47:46 +0000 https://mitvim.org.il/?post_type=publication&p=3289 At present, there is no end in sight for the novel coronavirus crisis and we do not know its repercussions for the future. Despite this, it is not too soon to start thinking about possible lessons and insights for Israeli foreign policy on the day after. For now, the takeaways are contradictory. On the one hand, states are closing their borders and turning inward, as mandated by health considerations. On the other hand, cooperation between states will clearly be necessary in order to overcome the unprecedented crisis in the health, economic and diplomatic arenas. We are witnessing the rise of more conservative and populist regimes in various states in recent years, and even in some which have adopted racist overtones. The coronavirus outbreak could buttress their argument that unsupervised open borders result not only in uncontrolled immigration, but also in epidemics. An understandably frightened public might support seclusion and isolationist trends. The immediate challenge on the day after will require a balance between what appear to be two polar positions – the version of globalization as we know it versus the veering toward separation and isolationism. Israel is facing that challenge all the more forcefully given the trends of recent years. Its foreign policy has been marked by increased isolationism, an emphasis on threats – whether existential or merely serious attempts to block international diplomatic initiatives and a deep sense that “the world is against us” or that “the world does not fully understand the threats we face.” The coronavirus crisis is

הפוסט Coronavirus crisis opens opportunity for shifting Israeli foreign policy הופיע לראשונה ב-Mitvim.

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At present, there is no end in sight for the novel coronavirus crisis and we do not know its repercussions for the future. Despite this, it is not too soon to start thinking about possible lessons and insights for Israeli foreign policy on the day after.

For now, the takeaways are contradictory. On the one hand, states are closing their borders and turning inward, as mandated by health considerations. On the other hand, cooperation between states will clearly be necessary in order to overcome the unprecedented crisis in the health, economic and diplomatic arenas.

We are witnessing the rise of more conservative and populist regimes in various states in recent years, and even in some which have adopted racist overtones. The coronavirus outbreak could buttress their argument that unsupervised open borders result not only in uncontrolled immigration, but also in epidemics.

An understandably frightened public might support seclusion and isolationist trends. The immediate challenge on the day after will require a balance between what appear to be two polar positions – the version of globalization as we know it versus the veering toward separation and isolationism.

Israel is facing that challenge all the more forcefully given the trends of recent years. Its foreign policy has been marked by increased isolationism, an emphasis on threats – whether existential or merely serious attempts to block international diplomatic initiatives and a deep sense that “the world is against us” or that “the world does not fully understand the threats we face.”

The coronavirus crisis is a strategic crossroads for renewed solidarity, initiatives and cooperation in the regional and international arena. It therefore constitutes an opportunity for a shift in Israel’s foreign policy, which should be based on several layers.

1. Supporting others – Israel has achieved admirable progress in various fields. It is important to share the unique knowledge we have amassed and developed with neighboring states and with those further away. There is no need to keep boasting of Israel as a “start-up nation.” Instead, Israel should significantly expand its investment in foreign aid.

2. Highlighting opportunities alongside threats – The world appears to have internalized the “threat list” that Israel skillfully presented. Without making light of them, the array of opportunities presented in terms of joint interests with regional states in recent years should also be emphasized. There are numerous options for cooperation between Israel and its neighbors, not only in response to threats but also in taking advantage of opportunities in environmental protection, water, health, immigration and energy, to name a few. The immigration crisis, for example, requires a joint effort to stabilize the situation, but also provides an opportunity for joint plans to address understandable concerns and help create a supportive rather than a threatening and argumentative climate.

3. Regional cooperation – Recent years have presented Israel with increased potential for regional cooperation. Israel took constructive steps to take advantage of this potential, but they must be deepened and extended to the broader region. While the Arab Spring did not generate the hoped-for democratization, it did create a more conducive foundation for cooperation between Israel and key Arab states, as well as a sense of a shared fate vis-à-vis a variety of challenges.

4. Conducting an open dialogue with the Palestinians – Current events have underscored the necessity for tighter coordination and cooperation between Israel and the Palestinian Authority. It is very important to take advantage of the opportunity offered by the COVID-19 crisis to return to a format of broader dialogue – empathetic and deep – between the sides. Its outset is in facing the ongoing crisis; its aftermath is in examining ways to break through the impasse in the peace process.

5. Good neighborly relations with Europe – In recent years, Israel has focused on the criticism voiced by Brussels against its policies. The Israeli government took a confrontational approach toward the EU and regarded its weaknesses (prompted by economic, diplomatic and social challenges) as an opportunity. Israel must realize that the geographic, economic and cultural realities linking it to Europe are an asset and not a liability. Moreover, good relations with the EU do not contradict Israel’s strategic relationship with the US, even if they appeared to do so for a short while.

6. A foreign policy based on initiatives and vision – Perhaps most importantly, Israel must replace its defensive and blocking posture with a foreign policy that is proactive and that of an internationalist. Israel should present a vision of its own for regional cooperation and coexistence, based on positive common denominators, rather than being reactive and relying on negatives. By its very nature, the road to realizing a vision is difficult, but a vision-led foreign policy can contribute to a constructive and less threatening atmosphere, resulting in charging the regional climate with positive energies, with or without natural gas.

The writer is a policy fellow at Mitvim – The Israeli Institute for Regional Foreign Policy and a former ambassador to Cyprus.

(originally published in the Jerusalem Post)

הפוסט Coronavirus crisis opens opportunity for shifting Israeli foreign policy הופיע לראשונה ב-Mitvim.

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Strengthening international systems, lesson learned from coronavirus https://mitvim.org.il/en/publication/strengthening-international-systems-lesson-learned-from-coronavirus/ Thu, 26 Mar 2020 12:25:26 +0000 https://mitvim.org.il/?post_type=publication&p=3287 After we beat the novel coronavirus, we will have to rebuild international systems and strengthen democracies. The prevailing view that dictatorships deal better than democracies with international crises such as pandemics or natural disasters is fundamentally flawed. True, autocratic regimes do have more tools to track their citizenry, to jail and to punish them. Democracies don’t do as well in this regard. Many in Israel and elsewhere look these days to China and emphasize that only in a dictatorship can dramatic and even cruel measures be implemented to curb the epidemic: building hospitals within 10 days, placing millions of people under tight lockdown and harshly punishing infractions. However, many also tend to forget that autocratic regimes are based on fear and obedience and not on respect and equality. These regimes often seek to manipulate information over transparency and honest reporting. This is what led us to the initial problem. Playing with information The coronavirus probably began spreading in China in November, and the resulting initial fatalities occurred in December. Did information about these developments in the provinces reach the top echelons in time, or did the local officialdom try to conceal them? Once rumors of the mysterious disease began circulating, did the Chinese regime properly notify and update the World Health Organization (WHO)? Why did China continue with its lunar New Year celebrations even as the disease was already spreading throughout Hubei province, as were video clips about the mysterious virus that was dealing a cruel blow to the elderly

הפוסט Strengthening international systems, lesson learned from coronavirus הופיע לראשונה ב-Mitvim.

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After we beat the novel coronavirus, we will have to rebuild international systems and strengthen democracies. The prevailing view that dictatorships deal better than democracies with international crises such as pandemics or natural disasters is fundamentally flawed.

True, autocratic regimes do have more tools to track their citizenry, to jail and to punish them. Democracies don’t do as well in this regard. Many in Israel and elsewhere look these days to China and emphasize that only in a dictatorship can dramatic and even cruel measures be implemented to curb the epidemic: building hospitals within 10 days, placing millions of people under tight lockdown and harshly punishing infractions.

However, many also tend to forget that autocratic regimes are based on fear and obedience and not on respect and equality. These regimes often seek to manipulate information over transparency and honest reporting. This is what led us to the initial problem.

Playing with information

The coronavirus probably began spreading in China in November, and the resulting initial fatalities occurred in December. Did information about these developments in the provinces reach the top echelons in time, or did the local officialdom try to conceal them?

Once rumors of the mysterious disease began circulating, did the Chinese regime properly notify and update the World Health Organization (WHO)? Why did China continue with its lunar New Year celebrations even as the disease was already spreading throughout Hubei province, as were video clips about the mysterious virus that was dealing a cruel blow to the elderly and vulnerable?

This was exactly how the Soviet regime responded after the blast at reactor number 5 in the town of Chernobyl on April 26, 1986. There, too, authorities initially tried to conceal the disaster from the world and from their own citizens. On May 1, thousands marched in the traditional international proletarian holiday parade, with many children in attendance. It was only several days later, when the extent of the disaster could no longer be hidden, that authorities began evacuating area residents.

In Iran, too, authorities decided to carry on with planned parliamentary elections on February 21 even when they already knew about the spreading epidemic. In fact, they concealed real information from their citizens. Iranian authorities claimed the US was deliberately spreading misinformation about the epidemic in order to reduce election turnout. The elections were held, Friday prayer services continued as usual and so did the pilgrimages to the holy city of Qum. By that time it was too late, and Iran became a focal point of the outbreak in the region.

Trust in the system is a prerequisite

Extreme situations of pandemics, natural disasters or man-made disasters require a free flow of information, trust in the institutions of government and, of course, well-performing systems. If citizens know the regime is not lying to them and is doing everything possible to deal with the situation, they will follow instructions and remain calm even under extreme circumstances.

Nonetheless, democracies must deal with the question of discipline – maintaining quarantines, adhering to instructions by government agencies, etc. In Italy, disregard of the instructions issued by health authorities, albeit with tragic delay, has resulted in disaster and the collapse of the health system.

However, even under such circumstances, transparency is preferable, with citizens knowing that the government is not lying to them and that data about the spread of the disease is real and reflects the situation on the ground. The WHO does not say so officially and publicly, but its many experts have expressed suspicion regarding the data provided by a number of non-democratic states about the coronavirus spread. One must obviously differentiate between countries that do not know how to detect the illness or deal with it from those that knowingly lie about it.

In times of disease, we all are somewhat socialists

In these frenzied times, the voice of neo-liberals calling for reduced government involvement and cuts in social service spending, including health services, is barely heard. Suddenly, while the world is dealing with a clear and present danger from an epidemic that inflicts painful death, everyone fully understands why we need a robust and well-funded public health system.

When 1,000 doctors are forced into quarantine and there is no one to replace them because of the chronic shortage of doctors and nurses, when medical teams lack the equipment they need and when one hears about a shortage of respirators in Italy, all the arguments about a necessary cut in government spending no longer sound very relevant.

US President Donald Trump, who shut down the pandemic preparedness office at the National Security Council because this boring issue appeared extraneous and esoteric, is now forced to tackle a crisis he never imagined in his worst nightmares. Israel’s health system is endowed with abundant knowledge and excellent experts, but the crisis has caught it starved of funding and other resources.

Will politicians take this message to heart when they prepare the next state budget? Hopefully, the confrontation with the coronavirus will make changed priorities.

We are all in it together

Another issue that cannot be ignored these days is the essential need for strong, functioning international organizations, multilateral organizations such as the WHO, the UN and other institutions weakened by cynical, irresponsible world leaders in recent years.
Rather than contributing to the necessary reform of these institutions, populists starved them for budgets, and undermined their prestige and capabilities. However, when a global crisis breaks out, the world must have a central body able to synchronize, transfer and cross-reference information, issue recommendations and act to the necessary extent.

Many countries rejected the recommendations of the WHO on Covid-19 and are in no hurry to adopt them these days either, and the world has no ability to impose global policy on them. It is impossible to know how long this crisis will last, but it is abundantly clear that the world, and each and every state, will have to learn the specific and collective lessons of this pandemic, otherwise, we will experience another and far more painful crash within a decade.

The writer is director of the program on Israel-Middle East relations at the Mitvim Institute. She is a senior research fellow at the Interdisciplinary Center in Herzliya, a former MK and was also a member of the Knesset’s Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee.

(originally published in the Jerusalem Post)

הפוסט Strengthening international systems, lesson learned from coronavirus הופיע לראשונה ב-Mitvim.

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Coronavirus Outbreak: An Important Test for Globalization https://mitvim.org.il/en/publication/coronavirus-outbreak-an-important-test-for-globalization/ Wed, 11 Mar 2020 15:33:26 +0000 https://mitvim.org.il/?post_type=publication&p=3012 The quick-fire coronavirus spread and the response of different countries to it, not only highlight immediate concerns about public health, but also have a significant impact on the evolving world order and the values that underpin it. While further challenging globalization, the crisis also holds out hope for its resurgence. The epidemic is an additional blow to the vision and practices of the globalization process that is already under strain. The two world powers that led globalization – the US and China – turned to limiting the scope of their cooperation and exchange of goods, people, and even ideas. In early March, the US decreased the number of visas granted to Chinese journalists. In many places, citizens have elected leaders more concerned with domestic values than with a commitment to a global visions and institutions; and the European Union, a crowning achievement of globalization in both practice and values, is creaking and weakening. The coronavirus event provides globalization with additional practical and symbolic challenges. So far, infection has been reported in over 85 countries, and its spread will slow a global economy which is heavily dependent on international production and supply chains. The number of flights between countries, perhaps the most immediate personal experience of globalization, is quickly shrinking, with significant repercussions expected to outlast the epidemic. The outbreak hones the understanding that along with the free passage of people and goods between countries, globalization also can bring with it the spread of disease. Sadly, in the public health context, the limitations to globalization

הפוסט Coronavirus Outbreak: An Important Test for Globalization הופיע לראשונה ב-Mitvim.

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The quick-fire coronavirus spread and the response of different countries to it, not only highlight immediate concerns about public health, but also have a significant impact on the evolving world order and the values that underpin it. While further challenging globalization, the crisis also holds out hope for its resurgence.

The epidemic is an additional blow to the vision and practices of the globalization process that is already under strain. The two world powers that led globalization – the US and China – turned to limiting the scope of their cooperation and exchange of goods, people, and even ideas. In early March, the US decreased the number of visas granted to Chinese journalists. In many places, citizens have elected leaders more concerned with domestic values than with a commitment to a global visions and institutions; and the European Union, a crowning achievement of globalization in both practice and values, is creaking and weakening.

The coronavirus event provides globalization with additional practical and symbolic challenges. So far, infection has been reported in over 85 countries, and its spread will slow a global economy which is heavily dependent on international production and supply chains. The number of flights between countries, perhaps the most immediate personal experience of globalization, is quickly shrinking, with significant repercussions expected to outlast the epidemic. The outbreak hones the understanding that along with the free passage of people and goods between countries, globalization also can bring with it the spread of disease. Sadly, in the public health context, the limitations to globalization could be perceived as a positive development. Research examining the effects of the global flu epidemic in the winter of 1957-58 clearly showed Cold War constraints on movement between East and West curtailed the spread of the disease in the West.

The fact that the virus broke out in China is of particular significance. The rising Eastern power plays a critical role in the global economy, inter alia as the production hub of most goods we consume. We hailed this global production chain and the cheap goods it provided. Now that the crisis in China is preventing production and export, many countries will presumably try to bring back home some of their essential production elements. The US under President Donald Trump was trying to do so anyway, albeit for different reasons. Not only that, weakened Chinese economic activity is expected to undermine the global economy and thereby further erode the achievements of globalization.

The second issue highlighted by the epidemic is US-Sino competition. The Trump Administration imposed restrictions on travelers from China on public health grounds. However, China, which has already warned against a global “over reaction” is presumably concerned that some of the restrictions stem from political and perhaps even racist motivations. The crisis is also creating fertile ground for injecting an ideological dimension into US-Chinese tensions. So far, the competition between Washington and Beijing has revolved around material aspects: Global status, economic capacity and military power, but the coronavirus crisis is a test for the regime and society in both China and the US.

On the one hand, the restrictive and hierarchical nature of Chinese society appears to have delayed the identification and treatment of the Covid-19 disease, challenging the legitimacy of China’s Communist Party. It will invariably serve the US in future arguments about the advantages of an open American-style society versus the (partially) closed Chinese one. At the same time, the handling of the disease pits the American model of personal freedom, free market and private and decentralized medicine against the Chinese model that prefers the collective, a partly government controlled economy and medical services shaped according to a public ethos, albeit with some of it privatized nowadays. China’s ability to impose harsh restrictions on its citizens probably helped block the spread of the virus within China, while the ability of the US system to tackle the challenge is unclear as yet.

Nonetheless, the crisis is also an opportunity to revive globalization. First, the crisis is a reminder of our underlining unity as humans. Beyond divisions, wars and hatred, the crisis shows that different people share rather similar anxieties. Second, international cooperation is crucial. A coordinated, cross-border international effort to monitor and treat the disease, and to speedily develop and disseminate a vaccine across national borders will end the epidemic. This is an important lesson in light of other global challenges, especially climate change. In both cases – climate and public health – mobilization to tackle them should overcome national boundaries. Specifically, the epidemic also highlights the importance of international organizations. Those who are critical of such organizations should be reminded that accepted international mechanisms (such as those being promoted by the World Health Organization) are critical for dealing with the challenges to public health such as the Coronavirus epidemic. Without them, things would be much tougher.

We – leaders, opinion setters, educators and citizens – hold the key to addressing the epidemic and later shaping its legacy: international isolation and competition or shared humanity and cooperation mechanisms. Two 20th century novels – Camus’ “The Plague” and Saramago’s “Blindness” – include horrific depictions of human behavior in the face of epidemics. However, they also highlight heroes who act with compassion and humaneness towards their fellow wo.men. Let us hope that we follow their example of cooperation and humanity rather than alienation and disregard towards others.

(originally published on ISPI Online)

הפוסט Coronavirus Outbreak: An Important Test for Globalization הופיע לראשונה ב-Mitvim.

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