The lack of focus and the inability to materialize the dozens of signed agreements is evident these days, emphasizing what has not yet been implemented. For instance, an agreement for employing Moroccan migrant workers in Israel has not yet been signed, despite the statement made by the former interior minister Ayelet Shaked in July 2022. Nor has the economic infrastructure to enable business between the countries been completed, namely agreements on customs, double taxation avoidance, promotion and protection of investments, and other systems to enhance the attractiveness and competitiveness of the trade channel between Morocco and Israel.

Moroccan decision makers, for their part, appear to regard the ongoing war with Hamas, and no less so the current Israeli government, as detrimental to the resumption of relations between the countries to its positive course. Statements by senior Israeli officials calling for the destruction of Gaza, while vehemently opposing the establishment of a Palestinian state, echo in the Moroccan media, damage Israel’s image, and mainly serve opposition parties who wish to harm the special relations between the two countries.

Nevertheless, Morocco’s official position regarding relations with Israel as a strategic interest remains intact. This was evidenced by the results of the extraordinary Arab Islamic Conference held in Riyadh in November, in which Morocco – alongside other key Arab and Muslim countries – was reluctant to embrace actual decisions or actions against their relations with Israel. Morocco’s decision to keep its ambassador in Tel Aviv – despite the Israeli mission staff being evacuated from Rabat – is a significant statement in itself.

In the economic field, businesses more or less continue as usual. Israeli companies come to Morocco or meet their partners in third-country destinations such as France and Spain. This discreet arrangement seems convenient for everyone.

Tourism has almost completely stopped between the countries

Tourism is the most affected sector, with direct flights between Tel Aviv and Rabat still on hold, and a travel warning in effect with a rating of three out of four, advising Israelis to avoid non-essential travel to Morocco. As a result, Israeli and international Jewish tourism to Morocco has almost entirely stopped. This situation is exacting a price from Israeli tourism agencies and Moroccan hotels and service providers. While tourism is a key to people-to-people connections, most civil and cultural partnerships are currently on hold and in a “waiting” situation until the end of the war.

Despite the challenges, some joint initiatives can be preserved, finding creative ways to sustain them, such as transferring them from a bilateral framework to a multi-sided one under an American, European, Emirati, or other umbrella, or conducting activities online whenever possible.

One of the main challenges in the civil context is the sentiment among Israelis of Moroccan descent regarding Morocco. It ranges from disappointment to astonishment and a lack of understanding in light of images of mass protests from Rabat and other cities in Morocco and even antisemitic incidents that do not receive official condemnation.

Here, it should be noted that Israeli frustration is partly due to cultural and behavioral differences between Israel and Morocco, despite their close cultural connection. According to the Moroccan perspective, including that of decision-makers, it is preferable to avoid conflicts, make explicit statements, and deal with matters quietly behind the scenes. In their view, the secrecy of action is a key to success, preserving internal stability and advancing a wishful agenda. That’s because, according to their understanding, one cannot resist what one does not see or know, so ultimately, maintaining quiet preserves the status quo as if nothing has been done. In Morocco, non-action is considered, in practice, equivalent to any action, and perhaps even the most proper and challenging action to execute.

Three years after the resumption of official ties, and in the shadow of the Gaza war challenges, the crisis also provides a new opportunity for regional and bilateral cooperation between the two countries. Morocco’s relatively neutral position may in fact enable it to play an important role in the aftermath of the war as part of a broader coalition dedicated to rehabilitation and reconstruction processes. It could help in the reconstruction and in implementing local and regional programs to deal with and prevent extremism and violence.

Morocco could assist in the training of Palestinian public employees deployed in Gaza. Morocco could also host forums, meetings, and conferences to support and promote a sustainable solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The good relations that Morocco maintains with both sides – Israeli and Palestinian – and the religious authority of King Mohammed VI, including his role as the chairman of the Al-Quds Committee in the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation, are just some of the assets Morocco can bring to this complex task.

The connection with Morocco is a significant asset for Israel in times of peace and war alike. It is important that we learn and derive insights from the past three years towards the new chapter in relations that will unfold once the war is over.

The article was published on Janurary 1, 2024 in the Jerusalem Post.

הפוסט Morocco and resolving the Gaza crisis הופיע לראשונה ב-Mitvim.

To live in peace with our neighbors, diplomatic relations and government-to-government cooperation are not enough. They must be accompanied by civilian ties, which are generally absent from Israel’s relations with Egypt and Jordan. Such ties, when carried out with sensitivity and wisdom, can contribute to improving conditions for future peace agreements and to strengthening existing ones.

Many would be surprised by the number and scope of civilian collaborations that do exist between Israelis and Arabs from neighboring states. Collaborations exist in culture, religion and heritage, environment, science, medicine, research, tourism, sports, humanitarian aid and more.

For example, the Arava Institute and EcoPeace Middle East, two civil-society organizations, lead joint environmental initiatives and research with Israelis, Palestinians and Jordanians; a particle accelerator is operating in Jordan to provide a platform for researchers from across the Middle East, including Israel; delegations of Israeli physicians attend international conferences in the Gulf; Israeli athletes compete in international tournaments in Gulf states and Morocco; Israeli, Jordanian and Palestinian farmers collaborate in using barn owls as biological pest control agents in their fields; the Van Leer Institute conducts a literary program aiming to make Arabic literature and culture accessible to Hebrew readers; Israeli artists perform at the Andalusian Music Festival in Essaouir  in Morocco; Israeli tourists visit Egypt, Jordan and Morocco; Israeli Jews originating from Arab-Islamic states join efforts to restore synagogues and heritage sites in the Arab world; the Israeli nonprofit organization Save a Child’s Heart provides care for children from Iraq and alumni of the Hashomer Hatzair youth movement have established a school for Syrian refugees on the island of Lesbos in Greece. This is just a sample. The list of activities and organizations is long and diverse.

Such initiatives teach us important lessons about potential pathways to civic cooperation and the way they can be managed and maintained over time under the current political context. For instance, by sharing the same geographical area, Israel and other Middle Eastern states are forced to confront similar challenges that lead to joint environmental action. Additionally, a shared history underlies joint heritage projects; cooperation in sports that rely on national symbols takes place mainly through the sponsorship of international events; scientific collaboration occurs under the radar of the media; and cultural cooperation is especially successful in disciplines that do not require knowledge of languages and do not require translation (e.g. music, dance, and visual arts).

Past experience indicates that successful regional cooperation depends on structural factors, among them governmental assistance. The Save a Child’s Heart initiative could not have operated Iraqi children in Israel without obtaining special entry visas for them from the Ministry of the Interior, and Israeli tourists could not have visited Morocco without  obtaining entry visas from the Moroccan authorities. The internal structure of organizations that are working together is also of importance, when assessing their ability to carry out regional cooperation. For example, EcoPeace Middle East is a regional organization of Israelis, Palestinians and Jordanians with shared and equal management responsibilities and one budget. Therefore, every organizational action is a type of regional cooperation by its essence.

The role of an international sponsorship or umbrella to a joint civil endeavor is also of importance. Let us be reminded, for example, how the International Judo Federation conditioned the hosting of international competitions by Morocco and the UAE on allowing the entry of Israeli athletes. Other factors that determine whether regional initiatives are successful include the popularity of the relevant sector (the less popular it is, the easier it is to cooperate, as it draws less attention), geographical proximity, the centrality of the need that an initiative tries to address, cultural and identity affinity and more.

**The article was published on Jpost, 31 October 2020

הפוסט Advancing the peace process depends on civilian ties הופיע לראשונה ב-Mitvim.

As a part of the tourism industry, I often come across Jordanians, Egyptians, Moroccans, Iraqis and other nationals from the Middle East who express great interest in visiting Israel. Some contact me in person, and others through colleagues or mutual friends. In most cases, these are middle-class people who dream of visiting the holy sites of Islam in Israel or liberal, educated people who want to experience an encounter with the other – and sometimes both. Nevertheless, it seems that even when there is a will and the financial means necessary, there is a particularly stubborn barrier: the lack of reciprocity and the heavy bureaucracy involved in visiting Israel for tourists from the MENA region.

Israel calls this policy the “Countries under Consideration.” It is applied to nationals from Jordan, Egypt, Malaysia, Indonesia, Tunisia, Morocco, South Sudan, Mali and Mauritania. Iraq, Syria and Lebanon are still defined as enemy states, and their nationals are banned from visiting Israel. Nationals from these countries are subject to security checks before the tourist visa is granted. Meeting Israel’s security standards, even if the process is justified, is cumbersome and extends the application process by many months. Sometimes the application remains simply unanswered. In these cases, the excitement and interest of visa applicants from these “countries under consideration” who managed to overcome the initial barriers are replaced by despair and frustration. The gap between the need for security checks and the problematic way in which they are carried out requires rethinking.

Israel’s ties with most of the countries in the Middle East are largely based on security and economic interests, partially due to the ‘closed door’ that tourists from those countries face. This is the case, for example, with Jordan and Egypt, who have signed peace agreements with Israel. While the current security coordination between Israel and Egypt is currently at its highest level, the number of Egyptian tourists visiting Israel in 2018 was only about 6,200, some of whom are Coptic tourists who came on organized tours. The number of Egyptian tourists looks even smaller when it is compared to the 400,000 Israeli tourists who visited Egypt that same year, even though most likely traveled to peripheral Sinai, rather than to Cairo.

Although the number of Jordanian tourists was higher, it is far from reaching its true potential. A total of about 18,000 Jordanians visited Israel in 2018, some of whom were visiting their friends and relatives. Jordan also serves as a transit hub for tourists traveling from Israel to other Middle Eastern countries due to the presence of an Israeli embassy in Jordan. Muslim pilgrims from the MENA region visit Jordan on their way to Mecca and Medina and some participate in tours that visit the holy sites of Islam in Jerusalem. Jordan is also a transit hub for Arab and Palestinian citizens of Israel who travel to Mecca and Medina or for those who are seeking to obtain a visa for an organized trip to Lebanon. The sanctity of Jerusalem, which is a source of conflict in some areas, is a source of creative solutions when it comes to the tourism industry.

There are also tourists from countries in the region which do not have official diplomatic relations with Israel and Morocco is one of them. Israeli tourists were granted a special permit to visit Morocco since the 1980s. This became official in the 1990s while the Oslo process was underway. Despite the warm relations between the peoples, the number of Moroccan tourists who visited Israel in 2018 is still low, standing at about 3,000. In the absence of an Israeli representative office in Rabat, the bureaucratic process is long, expensive, and complicated, sometimes requiring travel outside of Morocco to obtain a tourist visa to Israel more than one time. In an attempt to help their Moroccan friends, some Israelis apply for a visa from the Interior Ministry in their lieu, but even then, there is no easy solution. The Israeli applicant is required to deposit between 10,000 and 30,000 NIS to the bank account of the Interior Ministry. The deposit is refunded only after the tourist leaves the country. An Israeli t
ravel agency that organizes trips from Morocco or one of the other “countries under consideration” to Israel is required to deposit 200,000 NIS in advance and is liable for the group visiting Israel throughout their stay in the country.

In contrast to the Israeli bureaucracy, Morocco shows flexibility, which makes it possible to leverage the deep cultural connection and bring about a consistent growth in the number of Israeli tourists who visit Morocco every year. As the former King of Morocco Hassan II put it, “when a Jew leaves Morocco, we do not lose a citizen, but gain an ambassador.”

**The article was published by Jpost on 2 October 2020.

הפוסט Tourism is the key for civic ties between Israel and the MENA region הופיע לראשונה ב-Mitvim.

This article examines the current Israel-Morocco cooperation and its development through 2019. It briefly describes developments in diplomatic, security, economic and civilian arenas in order to find common ground and identify trends. Naturally, the paper will not elaborate much on the security-intelligence aspect of the cooperation, despite its centrality, due to its classified nature

הפוסט Israel-Morocco Cooperation in 2019: Warming from the Bottom Up הופיע לראשונה ב-Mitvim.

Whether or not the Holocaust will be introduced into the Moroccan curriculum, Morocco has a unique story as a Muslim state willing to acknowledge the Holocaust. Most Muslim states oscillate between avoiding taking a stance on the matter and Holocaust denial, because acknowledging the Holocaust is perceived as harmful to Palestinian interests. So how can it be that Morocco acknowledges the Holocaust? The answer to this, as in many other matters, is the king, in this case Mohammed V. According to the Moroccan narrative, which many Moroccans are familiar with, when the Vichy regime ruled Morocco at the beginning of the 1940s, King Mohammed V was asked to hand over the Jews of his country to the Nazis. The Moroccans relate with pride that the king refused to concede to this demand, arguing fervently that there were only Moroccans in his country. Of course, in reality the story was more complex, restrictive decrees against the Jews were imposed at the instruction of the Vichy regime and freedom of employment, movement etc. were limited. Until today, the issue remains a source of dispute, and despite the important role Mohammed V had played, he was not yet awarded the title Righteous Among the Nations. However, Mohammed V was and remains a hero who saved the Jews. Here lays the real meaning of the story and whether accurate or exaggerated, it allowed the Morocco to develop a positive national identity with regard to the events that took place during the Second World War and the horrors of that period. While in Europe the Jews were annihilated, the Muslims in Morocco helped save them.

But what has happened since Mohammed V’s gesture to the Jews of his land and how does Morocco relate to the Holocaust today? Until 2009, Morocco made almost no public statements regarding the Holocaust. Morocco did not officially acknowledge or deny it. Among the general public a range of opinions existed, but on the national level silence reigned. In 2009, UNESCO inaugurated the Aladdin Project, designed to serve as a platform for activities and educational and cultural initiatives that will bring closer Jews and Muslims in the Middle East and beyond. It was initially established by France, Jordan, and Germany; later on, other states such as Indonesia, Mauritania, Turkey, Tunisia, and Egypt also joined. One of its endeavors involves the translation of literature and films about the Holocaust into the official languages of the UN, especially Arabic. The project even enables free digital download of the books, thus making quality content on the topic available. Morocco apparently liked the initiative and Mohammed VI, acknowledged the Holocaust in an official message to the initiators of the Aladdin Project. This was a rare official declaration by a leader of a Muslim country.

When the king speaks, his message begins to trickle downwards, even though obstacles are met along the way. In April 2010, André Azoulay, the advisor to the king, declared that the Moroccan Ministry of Education needs to introduce the Holocaust into educational programs in schools. This initiative elicited protest from pro-Palestinian groups: they called for him to pack up his belongings and leave the country. In response to the protest, an opposing campaign, supporting Azoulay and the message he sought to impart, ensued. Despite the opposition, various elements in Moroccan civil society have adopted Azoulay’s message with pride and organized lectures and conferences in higher education institutions, including testimonies by Holocaust survivors who came to Morocco to tell their stories. In September 2011, the Mimouna association, organized one of the first conferences in the Arab world under the title “Mohammed V: Righteous Among the Nations”. In addition, there are other initiatives in Morocco that seek to change and adapt the educational program, in order to increase the representation of all shades of Moroccan heritage, including Jews and Amazigh (Berbers), which at present are almost completely absent from the history books.

At the bottom line, although Holocaust studies have not yet been officially included in the Moroccan curriculum, it is possible that we will see this happen soon in light of the country’s special history. Morocco’s recognition and sensitive approach to the Holocaust is an additional sign of the special relationship between Jews and Muslims in Morocco and the way this relationship is being included as part of the broader Moroccan heritage.

Einat Levi is a researcher at the Mitvim Institute and a strategic consultant specializes in Morocco.

(originally published in the Morocco World News)

הפוסט Holocaust Studies in Morocco? הופיע לראשונה ב-Mitvim.

The relationship between Israel and Morocco has not been properly studied since October 2000, when the official relations between the two countries were severed. This article is intended to shed light on the existing and potential relationship between the two countries. The article includes four parts: the first part provides a historical, social and political background on Morocco and the Israeli-Moroccan friendship as it has developed over the years; the second part deals with the interests and characteristics of the cooperation between the two countries and analyzes the potential, while addressing the political, security, economic, business and civil society spheres; the third part includes a mapping of the existing initiatives carried out by Israelis and Moroccans; and the last part deals with the impact of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict on the relations between the two countries.

The findings of the article are based on Israeli, Moroccan, Arab and Western media sources and on publicly available statistics. In-depth interviews were conducted with experts from academia, with diplomats and with private sector professionals, who were involved (and some are still involved) in Israel-Morocco cooperation. The main challenges in terms of the sources for this article were the lack of studies that map existing cooperation, the difficulty in identifying the many existing initiatives that are facilitated through a third party, and the reluctance of Moroccan and Israeli officials to be interviewed due to sensitivities involved.

הפוסט Israel and Morocco: Cooperation Rooted in Heritage הופיע לראשונה ב-Mitvim.

Prior to the law’s passing, Arabic was considered Israel’s second official language, a fact that improved Israel’s image in the world due to its recognition of the Arab minority’s culture and identity. This helped Israel present itself as a democratic state, while acting as a bridge between the country and the Arab-speaking region. It also recognized the culture and identity of Jews from Arab countries, for whom Arabic is an inseparable part of their heritage. The fact that Arabic was an official language gave Arab speakers in Israel a sense of both hope and belonging, which is why a change in its status may exact a high price both internally as well as externally.

At the western most tip of Africa sits Morocco, a country that can serve as a fascinating case study on the development of national and cultural identity. Although Morocco is not the most economically advanced country in the world, and has quite a way to go in terms of human rights and democracy, it has, over the years, succeeded in formulating a model of an inclusive national identity, with the understanding and belief that difference and diversity should be encouraged and emphasized.

This wasn’t always the situation. When Morocco declared independence in 1956, it had to formulate a clear national identity after years of colonial influence. Morocco chose an Arab national identity, and through an intensive “melting pot” process, it molded its state symbols and institutions according to this homogenous identity. For example, Morocco joined the Arab League, Arabic was defined as the official language of the state, and some of the streets in the kingdom were given Arabic names.

In the wake of the decision, Morocco underwent an accelerated process of Westernization, which came at the expense of other identities in the kingdom, specifically that of the Amazighs, which make up half the population. The Amazighs, also known as Berbers, are considered the original residents of Morocco and North Africa. They are a separate ethnic group and speak Amazigh languages. The exclusion of Amazigh identity was manifested in banning the group’s languages in schools, on state television and radio broadcasts, and forbidding parents from giving their children Amazigh names on their ID cards. Instead, Amazigh citizens are given Arabic names, which they use at school and vis-à-vis state institutions, as well as an Amazigh name, which they use with family and friends.

This led to numerous Amazigh protests over the years, especially during the reign of King Hassan II. The protesters called to increase Amazigh representation in the Moroccan narrative, bridge socioeconomic gaps, make public services available, and promote employment and equitable distribution of resources. All this drastically changed with King Mohammed VI, who took power in July 1999, and who vowed to connect every home to electricity and water and laid down basic infrastructure in the Amazigh villages. Under the king, Morocco established the Royal Institute of the Amazigh Culture, which works to revive Amazigh languages and to integrate the Amazigh heritage into the national curriculum and encourage research on the topic.

While the situation and representation of the Amazigh improved, the protests did not cease. In February 2011, the winds of the Arab Spring blew through the streets of the country, and hundreds of thousands of Moroccans protested across the kingdom. The king, who feared the protests could destabilize the country, took steps to placate the demonstrators, including by changing the constitution. In July 2011, the kingdom passed an amendment to the constitution by referendum, which redefined Morocco’s national identity as a Muslim state. This time, however, the amendment emphasized the country’s commitment to the rich and diverse heritage of all its residents:

“A sovereign Muslim State, attached to its national unity and to its territorial integrity, the Kingdom of Morocco intends to preserve, in its plentitude and its diversity, its one and indivisible national identity. Its unity is forged by the convergence of its Arab-Islamist, Berber [Amazighe] and Saharan-Hassanic [Saharo-Hassanie] components, nourished and enriched by its African, Andalusian, Hebraic and Mediterranean influences. The preeminence accorded to the Muslim religion in the national reference is consistent with the attachment of the Moroccan people to the values of openness, of moderation, of tolerance and of dialogue for mutual understanding between all the cultures and the civilizations of the world.”

The amendment also brought about a change in the status of the Tamazight language, which for the first time became an official language of the state, as per Article 5 of the Constitution:

Arabic is the official language of the State. The State works for the protection and for the development of the Arabic language, as well as the promotion of its use. Likewise, Tamazight [Berber/Amazighe] constitutes an official language of the State, being common patrimony of all Moroccans without exception.

The wording of the amendment was able to emphasize the commonalities between Arabs and Amazighs without undermining the status of Arabic or Morocco’s Arab identity. And while the wording does not necessarily reflect the situation on the ground, it does shape perceptions and reality, cultivating one of the central values of Moroccan nationalism, according to which difference and diversity are a source of strength.

The Moroccan case is not identical to that of Israel. And yet, the development of a national hegemonic Arab identity in Morocco to a heterogenous and multicultural one could serve as a lesson for the Jewish state.

Einat Levi is a researcher at the Mitvim Institute, and a member of the institute’s task-team, which explores Israel’s relations with key Arab countries. This article is based on a study of Israel-Morocco relations written as part of a Mitvim Institute project, “Israel’s relations with Arab countries: The unfulfilled potential”.

(originally published in +972 Magazine)

הפוסט What Israel can learn from Morocco’s multiculturalism הופיע לראשונה ב-Mitvim.

This can be attributed to the Moroccan perception that sees the Moroccan Jews living in Israel as part of the Moroccan Diaspora. This perception in grounded in a report issued in March 2016 by the Moroccan Ministry of Diaspora, in which Israel was mentioned as the second largest Moroccan Diaspora after France, with about 800,000 Moroccans. This issue has also been raised in Moroccan public discourse over the question of the right to vote in parliament of the Moroccan diaspora, and if so, does this right apply to Moroccans living in Israel. In addition, an Israeli citizen of Moroccan origin who wants to obtain Moroccan citizenship can do so because the right to Moroccan citizenship applies by filiation up to fourth generation descendants. Not only that, in July 2011 an amendment was introduced to the Moroccan constitution, in which Judaism was mentioned as part of the Moroccan heritage. Where else can we find a Muslim country that views Israel as one of its Diaspora, recognizes Judaism as part of its heritage, and even offers citizenship to its citizens?!

Beyond the Jewish heritage that lasted for more than 2,000 years in Morocco, the IsraeliMoroccan friendship began in the late 1950s with security cooperation against Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser and pan-Arabism, and a need to regulate the immigration of Jews from Morocco to Israel. In the 1970s, relations continued to develop thanks to Moroccan mediation throughout the peace process between Israel and Egypt. In the early 1990s, following the signing of the Oslo Accords, relations between the countries improved significantly and became overt. In 1994, liaison offices were opened in Rabat and Tel Aviv, but since October 2000 – following the second intifada – Israel and Morocco do not have any more official diplomatic relations.

Nevertheless, there are many surprising types of cooperation that do take place between the two countries. For example, approximately 45,000 Israeli tourists visit Morocco each year. The number of Moroccan tourists visiting Israel is much lower, and is estimated at about 3,500 a year, also due to difficulties in obtaining visas to Israel. Although, while there are no direct flights between Israel and Morocco, El Al and Royal Air Maroc, which is owned by the King, have signed joint aviation agreements. Significant, albeit limited, cooperation, can also be found in the sector of agriculture. Morocco supplies Israel with agricultural produce such as sardines and olives, while Israel supplies Morocco with professional knowledge and technological equipment such as Netafim’s irrigation systems. Morocco also attracts agricultural entrepreneurs because it does not impose agriculturally-related taxes and even provides subsidies. In this context, some Israeli farmers established farms in Morocco and are growing almonds, dates, olives, and citrons there.

However, the most striking cooperation takes place in the civil sphere, and is reflected in the exchange of delegations, the preservation of the Jewish-Moroccan heritage, festivals and music events, cinematic creations taking place in Morocco and Israel, cross-border research, student exchanges and more. Only in June 2018, three Moroccan civil society delegations arrived in Israel, joining a long list of delegations from Morocco in recent years. Similarly, Israeli delegations visited Morocco in recent years on various occasions such as the International Climate Conference held in November 2016 in Marrakech (COP22); The Judo Grand Prix competition that took place last March in Agadir; The Mediterranean Parliamentary Assembly held in the Moroccan Parliament in Rabat in October 2017, a study tour conducted by the Maoz Organization for Leadership Development.

The human movement between Israel and Morocco, and the media coverage and attention on social networks it enjoys, make the relations commonplace, and generate what can be called the “routinization effect”. The frequent contacts between the two countries, which take place in various sectors, are transforming the reality on the ground while making the parties involved more used to Israeli-Moroccan interactions. The media coverage in Morocco, even if not always positive, encourages open and courageous dialogue in Morocco on issues related to relations with Israel and to Israel’s relations with the Arab and Muslim world. Thus, the Moroccan public is becoming less sensitive towards signs of public cooperation, and the routinization effect gradually stretches the boundaries of cooperation.

The cooperation between Israel and Morocco takes place despite movements in Morocco that support the Palestinian cause and call to boycott Israel. These movements, that influence Moroccan public opinion through the media and social networks, operate within the professional unions and mobilize the Moroccan public for protest. For example, they led protests against the activity in Morocco of the Israeli shipping company ZIM, and against the selling in Morocco (especially during Ramadan) of Israeli-made Majhul-type dates. These protests have had limited success to date. They do not prevent cooperation altogether, but limit it and prevent Israel and Morocco from fulfilling the full potential of their relations.

The multi-facet cooperation between Israel and Morocco, along with the mutual interest expressed by civil societies in both countries, attest to the great potential for cooperation that has not yet been fulfilled. Progress in the Israeli-Palestinian peace process will enable Israel-Morocco to move forward in their relations, as they did in the past. Until that happens, the two countries should continue to develop their unique relationship, which is so different from Israel’s relations with other countries in the region. The hugs between the Israeli and Moroccan fans in the World Cup give room for cautious optimism and indicate that there are real opportunities in Israel-Morocco relations that can be pursued, even if not all of them can be implemented in the current regional reality.

Einat Levi is a researcher at the Mitvim Institute, and a member of the institute’s task-team, which explores Israel’s relations with key Arab countries. This article is based on a study of Israel-Morocco relations written as part of a Mitvim Institute project, “Israel’s relations with Arab countries: The unfulfilled potential”.

(originally published in YaBiladi)

הפוסט Israel: The Second Largest Moroccan Diaspora in the World הופיע לראשונה ב-Mitvim.

Morocco is moving between its commitment to the Arab official position, which opposes open ties with Israel, and its desire to strengthen its standing in the international community, which calls for occasional official contact with Israel. The connection between Moroccan Jews in Israel and the Jewish community in Morocco is at the core of the Israeli-Moroccan relations. In the 1990s, liaison offices were opened in Rabat and Tel Aviv, but since the failure of the Camp David summit and the outbreak of the second intifada in 2000, they have not maintained official diplomatic relations.

Official interaction with Israel provokes criticism in Morocco and other Arab countries and may harm the standing of the kingdom in the Arab world. Anti-normalization movements in Morocco are at the forefront of the opposition to Israeli-Moroccan ties, while the protracted Israeli-Palestinian conflict is in the background. The stalemate in the peace process does not allow both countries to realize the full potential of their relations.

However, there is a limited number of collaborations that can be carried out without infringing on Morocco’s ability to portray official Israeli symbols. This is the result of the routinizing effect; that is, making the Israeli-Moroccan connection become a routine. This is possible thanks to the consistent movement of official and unofficial delegations, including tourists, between Israel and Morocco, allowing for the maintenance of bilateral ties in areas such as health, education, communications, culture, and parliamentary diplomacy. The two countries also sometimes work together in different international forums.

The widening coverage of the delegations in the media and social networks in Morocco and Israel is also contributing to the routinizing effect. The Moroccan media expresses great interest in the delegations that visit Israel and follows them closely. The coverage, even if not always positive, encourages open and courageous dialogue in Morocco on issues related to its ties with Israel and Israel’s relations with the Arab and Muslim world.

The routinizing effect is particularly evident in sports, especially in relation to Judo. For example, in May 2015, Israel’s Judo team was detained at the Moroccan airport for hours before being allowed to enter the country to compete. In November 2017, Israel’s Judo team landed in Marrakesh to compete in the World Championship, despite the fact that a few days earlier Morocco announced that it would not allow the team’s arrival. In both cases, Israeli participation was made possible due to the intervention of World Association President Marius Vizer. In 2017, Morocco even allowed Judoka Ori Sasson to wear the Israeli symbol, while a month earlier he was denied the ability to wear it in a competition in Abu Dhabi.

The result, as was manifested in the Judo contest in Agadir, is that the Moroccan public is not as sensitive as it used to be about delegations visiting Morocco or Israel. The routinizing effect manages to stretch the boundaries of cooperation step by step. An Israeli national anthem that is publicly played in Morocco is not something that Moroccans or Israelis are accustomed to; this is a positive development. Morocco, for its part, chooses to be part of the international community and to pay the price of its ties with Israel in return. However, Israel-Morocco relations still have great potential to develop, and its realization depends on advancing the Israeli-Palestinian peace process.

Einat Levi is a member of a task-team at the Mitvim Institute, which explores Israel’s relations with key Arab countries.

(originally published in the Morocco World News)

הפוסט Beyond Judo: The Routinizing Effect in Israel-Morocco Relations הופיע לראשונה ב-Mitvim.